When Justice Stephen Breyer retired over the summer, the Supreme Court lost its loudest dissenting voice on an issue that makes up a large yet overlooked chunk of the courts docket: the death penalty.
Early in his career, Breyer accepted the constitutionality of capital punishment. But his time on the court, in which he reviewed countless appeals from prisoners facing executions, convinced him otherwise. His 2015 dissent in Glossip v. Gross stands as a preeminent critique of capital punishment in America; in it, Breyer concluded that the death penalty, as currently administered, likely constitutes cruel and unusual punishment. And Breyer spent his final year on the court echoing that point.
Breyers uncompromising view on this issue was out of step with his typically moderate, consensus-minded jurisprudence. On the death penalty, he was arguably to the left of Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan, each of whom has written important dissents in death-penalty cases, but neither of whom has expressly questioned its constitutionality. Breyer more closely resembled the justice he replaced: Harry Blackmun, who like Breyer evolved from accepting the death penalty to rejecting it outright, culminating in his famous late-career declaration that he no longer shall tinker with the machinery of death.
The death docket has long been an essential part of the Supreme Courts work. But it receives little attention because few capital cases ever get oral arguments or formal opinions. Instead, they come to the court on an emergency basis, often days or even hours before an execution, as prisoners bring final appeals or states seek to lift stays that have been issued by lower courts. The current Supreme Court perhaps the most pro-death-penalty court in generations nearly always sides with the states. Last month, the court green–lighted six executions in five states.
With Breyer gone, who will emerge as the lefts chief critic of capital punishment? It may end up being his successor, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson.