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	<title>Comments on: Raich Was an Easy Case</title>
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		<title>By: Anonymous</title>
		<link>http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/raich-was-an-easy-case/comment-page-1/#comment-7125</link>
		<dc:creator>Anonymous</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 24 Aug 2005 09:16:52 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description>&lt;strong&gt;gay asian&lt;/strong&gt;

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		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>gay asian</strong></p>
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		<title>By: Log: David Chess</title>
		<link>http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/raich-was-an-easy-case/comment-page-1/#comment-7124</link>
		<dc:creator>Log: David Chess</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 07 Jun 2005 02:52:36 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/uncategorized/raich-was-an-easy-case/#comment-7124</guid>
		<description>&lt;strong&gt;Monday, June 6, 2005&lt;/strong&gt;

Much more all over Scotus Blog (those three and many other interesting recent posts).
</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>Monday, June 6, 2005</strong></p>
<p>Much more all over Scotus Blog (those three and many other interesting recent posts).</p>
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		<title>By: LPFabulous</title>
		<link>http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/raich-was-an-easy-case/comment-page-1/#comment-7121</link>
		<dc:creator>LPFabulous</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 07 Jun 2005 01:59:53 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description>Here you&#039;ve joined a growing chorus talking about how this was an &quot;easy&quot; case, but you don&#039;t seem to stop to consider that the whole interstate commerce jurisprudence of the Supreme Court is just so patently wrong.  What Raich establishes is that, for any activity, if Congress has some reason to suspect that it might have some (any) effect on interstate commerce, it can regulate it however it pleases.  And how many activities don&#039;t affect interstate commerce on some level?

What Raich amounts to is a constitutional amendment: &quot;State governments are irrelevant and exist at the pleasure of the Congress.&quot;  Raich might follow naturally from previous decisions, but that doesn&#039;t change the fact that it also unmoors the federal government from any constraints.  I don&#039;t know if this is the death of liberty, but it is most certainly the death of local government.
</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Here you&#8217;ve joined a growing chorus talking about how this was an &#8220;easy&#8221; case, but you don&#8217;t seem to stop to consider that the whole interstate commerce jurisprudence of the Supreme Court is just so patently wrong.  What Raich establishes is that, for any activity, if Congress has some reason to suspect that it might have some (any) effect on interstate commerce, it can regulate it however it pleases.  And how many activities don&#8217;t affect interstate commerce on some level?</p>
<p>What Raich amounts to is a constitutional amendment: &#8220;State governments are irrelevant and exist at the pleasure of the Congress.&#8221;  Raich might follow naturally from previous decisions, but that doesn&#8217;t change the fact that it also unmoors the federal government from any constraints.  I don&#8217;t know if this is the death of liberty, but it is most certainly the death of local government.</p>
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		<title>By: Anonymous</title>
		<link>http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/raich-was-an-easy-case/comment-page-1/#comment-7120</link>
		<dc:creator>Anonymous</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 07 Jun 2005 01:36:18 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description>Easy Commerce Clause case it may have been, but reading between the lines leaves no question that medicinal marijuana is far from a dead issue.  In Oakland Cannabis, three Justices unambiguously indicated that, in an appropriate case, they would be receptive to a substantive due process challenge to the federal prohibition on medicinal marijuana.  One of those three Justices authored today&#039;s majority opinion, and expressly noted that an individualized due process claim remains a potential basis for relief.  Notwithstanding the fact that &quot;the halls of Congress&quot; are ordinarily the appropriate forum for regulatory inquiry, the majority stopped just short of flatly rejecting the underlying factual premises upon which the Schedule I status of marijuana is predicated, and repeatedly expressed concern about the application of the CSA to these particular Plaintiffs.

I predict that on remand, the Ninth Circuit will rule for the Plaintiffs on their substantive due process claim, and that decision will be affirmed in the Supreme Court.
</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Easy Commerce Clause case it may have been, but reading between the lines leaves no question that medicinal marijuana is far from a dead issue.  In Oakland Cannabis, three Justices unambiguously indicated that, in an appropriate case, they would be receptive to a substantive due process challenge to the federal prohibition on medicinal marijuana.  One of those three Justices authored today&#8217;s majority opinion, and expressly noted that an individualized due process claim remains a potential basis for relief.  Notwithstanding the fact that &#8220;the halls of Congress&#8221; are ordinarily the appropriate forum for regulatory inquiry, the majority stopped just short of flatly rejecting the underlying factual premises upon which the Schedule I status of marijuana is predicated, and repeatedly expressed concern about the application of the CSA to these particular Plaintiffs.</p>
<p>I predict that on remand, the Ninth Circuit will rule for the Plaintiffs on their substantive due process claim, and that decision will be affirmed in the Supreme Court.</p>
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		<title>By: Calblog</title>
		<link>http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/raich-was-an-easy-case/comment-page-1/#comment-7123</link>
		<dc:creator>Calblog</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 06 Jun 2005 23:51:59 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/uncategorized/raich-was-an-easy-case/#comment-7123</guid>
		<description>&lt;strong&gt;Ashcroft v. Raich - The Supreme Court on Federalism&lt;/strong&gt;

After trekking through the 9th Circuit, the long awaited decision in Ashcroft v. Raich is finally here. (Along with a concurrence and a dissent or two). Larry Solumn provides a good summary of the arguments here. As is usually the...
</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>Ashcroft v. Raich &#8211; The Supreme Court on Federalism</strong></p>
<p>After trekking through the 9th Circuit, the long awaited decision in Ashcroft v. Raich is finally here. (Along with a concurrence and a dissent or two). Larry Solumn provides a good summary of the arguments here. As is usually the&#8230;</p>
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		<title>By: Oregon Commentator Online</title>
		<link>http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/raich-was-an-easy-case/comment-page-1/#comment-7122</link>
		<dc:creator>Oregon Commentator Online</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 06 Jun 2005 23:44:00 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description>&lt;strong&gt;Another Nail in Federalism&#039;s Coffin&lt;/strong&gt;

In a 6-3 decision the Supreme Court today ruled in favor of the federal government in Gonzales v. Raich, opening the door for federal prosecution of medical marijuana patients. The majority&#039;s opinion was based upon the despicable Wickard v. Filburn...
</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>Another Nail in Federalism&#8217;s Coffin</strong></p>
<p>In a 6-3 decision the Supreme Court today ruled in favor of the federal government in Gonzales v. Raich, opening the door for federal prosecution of medical marijuana patients. The majority&#8217;s opinion was based upon the despicable Wickard v. Filburn&#8230;</p>
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		<title>By: Joelan</title>
		<link>http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/raich-was-an-easy-case/comment-page-1/#comment-7119</link>
		<dc:creator>Joelan</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 06 Jun 2005 23:12:14 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description>I agree that the Court in Lopez/Morrison was simply attempting to put some constraint on the federal government&#039;s Commerce Clause power.  Federal government regulation either has to have some nexus to interstate commerce (regulating instrumentalities or the channels of commerce, involving economic or commercial activity, or containing some jurisdictional element) or the regulation has to substantially affect I/C.  Under the latter, the question becomes how does some activity substantially affect I/C?  In Lopez/Morrison, (in my meaningless opinion), the Court was simply rejecting the government&#039;s argument that if an activity substantially affects I/C through such amorphous means as &quot;cost of crime&quot; or &quot;national productivity,&quot; then that was not enough because if it were, everything could be regulated.

In Lopez, the majority stated:

&quot;The Government admits, under its &#039;costs of crime&#039; reasoning, that Congress could regulate not only all violent crime, but all activities that might lead to violent crime, regardless of how tenuously they relate to interstate commerce. Similarly, under the Government&#039;s &#039;national productivity&#039; reasoning, Congress could regulate any activity that it found was related to the economic productivity of individual citizens: family law (including marriage, divorce, and child custody), for example. Under the theories that the Government presents in support of §922(q), it is difficult to perceive any limitation on federal power, even in areas such as criminal law enforcement or education where States historically have been sovereign. Thus, if we were to accept the Government&#039;s arguments, we are hard pressed to posit any activity by an individual that Congress is without power to regulate.&quot; (citation omitted)

Because our national economy is so large and complex, any non-economic activity will have a substantial economic impact on I/C through national productivity reasoning.  The example I always think of (although not quite on point) is the estimates that come out every year saying that the NCAA men&#039;s college basketball pools that are common in offices around the country have a negative effect in the millions of dollars on the economy.

Thus, if the federal government can come up with any other accumulated economic effect from a regulated activity, the statute will be upheld.
</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>I agree that the Court in Lopez/Morrison was simply attempting to put some constraint on the federal government&#8217;s Commerce Clause power.  Federal government regulation either has to have some nexus to interstate commerce (regulating instrumentalities or the channels of commerce, involving economic or commercial activity, or containing some jurisdictional element) or the regulation has to substantially affect I/C.  Under the latter, the question becomes how does some activity substantially affect I/C?  In Lopez/Morrison, (in my meaningless opinion), the Court was simply rejecting the government&#8217;s argument that if an activity substantially affects I/C through such amorphous means as &#8220;cost of crime&#8221; or &#8220;national productivity,&#8221; then that was not enough because if it were, everything could be regulated.</p>
<p>In Lopez, the majority stated:</p>
<p>&#8220;The Government admits, under its &#8216;costs of crime&#8217; reasoning, that Congress could regulate not only all violent crime, but all activities that might lead to violent crime, regardless of how tenuously they relate to interstate commerce. Similarly, under the Government&#8217;s &#8216;national productivity&#8217; reasoning, Congress could regulate any activity that it found was related to the economic productivity of individual citizens: family law (including marriage, divorce, and child custody), for example. Under the theories that the Government presents in support of §922(q), it is difficult to perceive any limitation on federal power, even in areas such as criminal law enforcement or education where States historically have been sovereign. Thus, if we were to accept the Government&#8217;s arguments, we are hard pressed to posit any activity by an individual that Congress is without power to regulate.&#8221; (citation omitted)</p>
<p>Because our national economy is so large and complex, any non-economic activity will have a substantial economic impact on I/C through national productivity reasoning.  The example I always think of (although not quite on point) is the estimates that come out every year saying that the NCAA men&#8217;s college basketball pools that are common in offices around the country have a negative effect in the millions of dollars on the economy.</p>
<p>Thus, if the federal government can come up with any other accumulated economic effect from a regulated activity, the statute will be upheld.</p>
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		<title>By: Rob Store</title>
		<link>http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/raich-was-an-easy-case/comment-page-1/#comment-7118</link>
		<dc:creator>Rob Store</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 06 Jun 2005 22:04:48 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/uncategorized/raich-was-an-easy-case/#comment-7118</guid>
		<description>I can buy all of this but for the assertion that Scalia&#039;s dissent is really an ernestful articulation of his position on the current status of the commerce clause.  I think that, not withstanding all his originalist posturing, he is as guilty of being stirred by his policy concerns as anyone on the court and fell victim to just such concerns here.  Additionally, I think he felt himself stuck between signing onto two poorly written opinions and imagined (as is his usual privy) that he could write his way out of it.  As it turned out, he failed.  I think there is also some extent to which he is attempting to save political capital and, perhaps more nefariously, he may be trying to curry favor with the administration on a personal level, though his record elsewhere would indicate that to not be his usual MO.

To some extent I think it a bit dishonest for the liberals who stuck to their commerce clause guns on this one (even where they found the DEA policy wrongheaded) to now be suggesting that Scalia be taken at face value; its a convenient time to decide that is an option.  I can hardly imagine that if a future democratic congress were to imbed in a &quot;larger economic regulatory scheme&quot; laws affecting education or marriage or other &quot;traditional state function&quot; in ways that were noxious to Scalia&#039;s sensibilities that he would find himself on the same side of the split he does here.  Appreciate his opportunism for what it is.

</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>I can buy all of this but for the assertion that Scalia&#8217;s dissent is really an ernestful articulation of his position on the current status of the commerce clause.  I think that, not withstanding all his originalist posturing, he is as guilty of being stirred by his policy concerns as anyone on the court and fell victim to just such concerns here.  Additionally, I think he felt himself stuck between signing onto two poorly written opinions and imagined (as is his usual privy) that he could write his way out of it.  As it turned out, he failed.  I think there is also some extent to which he is attempting to save political capital and, perhaps more nefariously, he may be trying to curry favor with the administration on a personal level, though his record elsewhere would indicate that to not be his usual MO.</p>
<p>To some extent I think it a bit dishonest for the liberals who stuck to their commerce clause guns on this one (even where they found the DEA policy wrongheaded) to now be suggesting that Scalia be taken at face value; its a convenient time to decide that is an option.  I can hardly imagine that if a future democratic congress were to imbed in a &#8220;larger economic regulatory scheme&#8221; laws affecting education or marriage or other &#8220;traditional state function&#8221; in ways that were noxious to Scalia&#8217;s sensibilities that he would find himself on the same side of the split he does here.  Appreciate his opportunism for what it is.</p>
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		<title>By: M. Simon</title>
		<link>http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/raich-was-an-easy-case/comment-page-1/#comment-7117</link>
		<dc:creator>M. Simon</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 06 Jun 2005 20:15:27 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/uncategorized/raich-was-an-easy-case/#comment-7117</guid>
		<description>So let me see if I get this straight.

Water is sold in interstate commerce.

Does this give the Congress the power to legislate all uses of water in America.

For instance it may be used for brushing your teeth but not be used after flossing? It may be used for one minute showers but not baths? If Congress so decides? You can drink it out of a tap (which is paid for) but not from a stream for which no price has been paid?

Slam dunk for sure.

</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>So let me see if I get this straight.</p>
<p>Water is sold in interstate commerce.</p>
<p>Does this give the Congress the power to legislate all uses of water in America.</p>
<p>For instance it may be used for brushing your teeth but not be used after flossing? It may be used for one minute showers but not baths? If Congress so decides? You can drink it out of a tap (which is paid for) but not from a stream for which no price has been paid?</p>
<p>Slam dunk for sure.</p>
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