The specter of the planet rapidly and disastrously heating up, and the question of what to do about it, hang over the argument in Massachusetts, et al., v. Environmental Protection Agency, et al. (05-1120) at 10 a.m. Wednesday in the Supreme Court. It would be no surprise, however, if the Justices were to decide the case on a less dramatic basis. Before the Court ever reached the “global warming” problem, it could be stopped by a maze of procedural issues, as well as by a bold challenge to the judiciary’s power to take on the problem.
At issue in the case is the decision by the EPA, the government’s regulator of pollution and other threats to human life and the environment, that it not only lacks the authority to regulate a major source of “global warming,” but also that it would not do so even if it could. A panel of the D.C. Circuit Court split three ways in deciding the case, giving the Justices three options on how to approach it. One judge assumed that EPA had the authority, but was justified in declining to use it; another found that the challengers had no right to make the challenge, and the third concluded that the challenge was a proper one that should succeed. The end result was that EPA won, even if untidily.
Arguing on Wednesday for the 12 states, three cities, and assorted other entities challenging EPA will be James R. Milkey of Boston, an assistant state attorney general for Massachusetts. Representing the EPA, along with four of its allies in the case, will be Deputy U.S. Solicitor General Gregory G. Garre.
Because there may be no more challenging environmental and energy issue now than global climate change, this case has been viewed widely as a breakthrough opportunity to force a significant and immediate response by a federal government that has seemed to critics to be unpersuaded that global warming is a genuine threat. But, as briefing in the case was completed, it also became a potentially historic case on the use of judicial power to compel the political branches to deal with a phenomenon that affects the entire globe.
At its core, the case is about the Clean Air Act: what the language of the Act means, and what Congress intended by that language. Equally fundamental is the question of who can assume the role of enforcement of the Act’s mandate to protect the nation’s air quality against harmful pollutants.
The potential stakes can be seen in a couple of statements in opposing amicus briefs filed in the case.
A group of environmental and conservation groups opened their brief with this alarming assertion: “Global warming is causing sea levels to rise, glaciers and mountain snowpacks to shrink, summer and fall river flows to decline, wildfires to increase, hurricanes to intensify, summer heat waves and droughts to become more severe and prolonged, and widespread adverse impacts to agricultural productivity, recreational and commercial fishing, forestry, and human health and safety, particularly among the elderly and infirm.”
But a coalition formed to litigate the carbon dioxide aspect of the controversy, the CO-2 Litigation Group, argued that Massachusetts and the other challengers “claim that a few isolated words in the Clean Air Act unambiguously authorize a massive new type of regulatory program never even mentioned by Congress.” And a group of conservative law professors, led by Robert H. Bork, argued in their brief that the case was “part of a multi-faceted effort to draw the federal courts into one of the most important and controversial foreign policy and political battles of our time….Petitioners seek to remake U.S. climate change policy through litigation in the federal courts.”
Read the rest of this entry »