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Saturday, June 25, 2005

Is the Lead Dissent in Kelo Defensible?

Kelo | Posted by Marty Lederman at 12:46 PM

Kelo has been met with howls of outrage in the blogosphere and in the popular press. Indeed, it’s hard to recall any recent SCOTUS decision that has been so roundly and vociferously attacked. One might think that the Court had done something radically new and unexpected here.

But that’s simply not so, right? Kelo is entirely consistent with well over 100 years of established precedents, as Justice Thomas’s dissent basically (and refreshingly) concedes. Justice Stevens’s analysis, so consistently vilified online and in the press, is actually quite simple and straightforward: New London’s proposed condemnations are for a “public use” “[b]ecause over a century of our case law interpreting [the Just Compensation Clause] dictates [that] answer.” (I should add here that it is apparent that both Justice Stevens and Justice Thomas relied heavily on Tom Merrill’s wonderful amicus brief, which recounted the historical precedents in great detail.)

Does anyone disagree with this? In order for Kelo to win, wouldn't the Court have had to overturn numerous longstanding precedents? Justice Thomas himself identifies at a dozen that he would overrule, going back to 1896, and his list doesn’t even include the recent decisions in Monsanto and Brown (the IOLTA case). Moreover, these holdings were often unanimous (e.g., the two leading cases, Berman and Midkiff), or issued without dissent.

Thus, I agree with Nicole that the truly shocking thing about Kelo is not the majority opinion, but instead that IJ was able to secure four votes to reverse. Three of those votes are not, perhaps, so surprising. But Justice O’Connor’s certainly was: She did, after all, write Midkiff (and Lingle). And hers was the fifth vote just two years ago in Brown, in which the Court reasoned that property may be taken for any use that could legitimately be supported by special taxes, or user fees—such as, in that case, to subsidize legal services for the poor. 538 U.S. at 232. This is (as it ought to be) simply the “rational basis” test ordinarily applied under the due process clause. (I am a bit surprised that the “public use” holding in Brown did not play a more prominent role in Kelo, barely being cited in the briefs and mentioned only in passing in note 14 of the Court’s opinion. Justice Scalia well understood the breadth of the “public use” holding in Brown. He complained in his dissent in that case that “[t]his reduces the ‘public use’ requirement to a negligible impediment indeed, since I am unaware of any use to which state taxes cannot constitutionally be devoted. The money thus derived may be given to the poor, or to the rich, or (insofar as the Federal Constitution is concerned) to the girlfriend of the retiring Governor.” Id. at 242-243 n.2.)

Justice Thomas, as is his wont, would have the Court repudiate more than a century of law. Much of the online commentary, especially that of a libertarian bent, is basically along these same lines. Which I suppose is fine, as far as it goes, but I think we’d all concede that it’s a nonstarter for eight of the nine Justices, and that by the time there is a Court majority in support of the convulsive changes advocated by Justice Thomas in cases such as Kelo, Raich, Sabri, Lopez, etc.—with Justices Brown and Pryor and two like-minded colleagues joining Justice Thomas—ours will be a very different Nation, and such doctrinal moves will be the least of our concerns.

But is there anyone out there willing to defend Justice O’Connor’s opinion? She ignores many of the cases (including Brown). Although she would reject much of the central reasoning of Berman and Midkiff, she doesn’t join Justice Thomas’s call to overrule the holdings. What is her rationale for distinguishing them? As I read her opinion, she attempts two sorts of moves.

First, she offers a distinction between condemnations that eliminate previously “harmful” uses of property and those that don’t. Justice Stevens limits his response to a footnote (note 16), which is probably more than it deserves: This proposed distinction couldn’t deal with many of the governing cases, including Berman itself, as well as Monsanto, Brown, and several of the earlier cases that Justice O’Connor simply ignores. (More on this by Helvidius over at Ex Post.)

The second O'Connor move is not to offer any distinction at all, but instead simply to argue that any notion of “public use” (e.g., for economic development) that has no logical stopping point must be invalid. This is similar to the Chief Justice’s “reasoning” in Lopez—i.e., not to prescribe any affirmative test, but simply to reject any test that would (in the Court’s view) effectively foreclose any meaningful judicial review. That mode of reasoning has not had much success, or lasting power, in Commerce Clause doctrine (see Guillen, Raich), and I imagine it would have been similarly inefficacious and unsuccessful here, too.

This is not to say that the Court would have had to overrule Midkiff, Berman, et al., in order to reverse. As we now know (see Bush v. Gore), there’s no such thing as an opinion that “doesn’t write,” and the Court can do most anything it wishes—indeed, Justice O’Connor could have written a “we’ll know a non-public use when we see it” sort of opinion (which, in fairness, is essentially what she did). But was there a coherent, defensible way to reverse the judgment without significant overruling?

There are, of course, those who would affirm the holdings of prior cases while rejecting their rationales—Nicole, for instance, would favor a more stringent means/ends test. But does everyone agree that some such radical shift—or, more fundamentally still, Justice Thomas’s approach—would have been necessary, and that Justice O’Connor’s opinion doesn’t cut it? Conversely, does anyone actually think that the Stevens opinion is deficient, assuming that the Court was reluctant to overrule well-established, governing precedents?


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